乐鱼体育

Ukraine is widely known as Europe and Eurasia鈥檚 breadbasket. In recent decades, Ukraine has become granary to the world. But its reputation as a vital world food source also evokes a tragic history. Ukraine鈥檚 agricultural wealth has often mixed with blood and tears. For centuries under Russian rule, food exports (and the distribution of profits from those exports) were controlled by the Russian and Soviet empires, rather than Kyiv. In the Soviet era, Moscow鈥檚 rule proved so repressive that the rich chernozems (black earth) of Ukraine suffered one of the world鈥檚 worst famines during Stalin鈥檚 1932鈥�33 agricultural collectivization drive. According to various estimates, between 4 and 8 million Ukrainians died in the Holodomor, as the famine is known now. Only after gaining independence in 1991 has Ukraine had sovereignty over its agricultural wealth and built a strong export sector. Now that Ukraine鈥檚 independence is under assault once again from Moscow, the impact is felt around the world.

The first threats to Ukraine鈥檚 agricultural market emerged in the summer of 2014, as Russia seized Crimea and instigated military conflict in Ukraine鈥檚 east. From the inception of the conflict, certain food products from occupied Luhansk disappeared from shelves. "The trucks that came to us from Luhansk were fired on," explained the sellers. Agricultural losses at that time were only local. From 2014 to 2020, grain exports from Ukraine increased by 76 percent.[1] Between 2019 and 2021, according to the website of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on agrarian policy, Ukraine accounted for 10 percent of the world鈥檚 wheat exports, 15 percent of corn exports, 15 percent of barley exports, and almost 50 percent of sunflower oil exports.[2]

Russia鈥檚 invasion of Ukraine this winter has created an entirely new reality for Ukrainian farmers and their customers. The invasion has shown just how easily Russia could return Ukrainian citizens to the years when their lives were expendable. 鈥淲e can talk about direct analogies with the Holodomor,鈥� said historian Lyudmyla Hrynevych, director of the National Museum of the Holodomor-Genocide in Kyiv.[3] 鈥淭he worst analogy is that both in the 1930s and now we are watching the genocidal murder of Ukrainians. It is practically the same process,鈥� she said.

"Occupying Forces Stole Five Ships with Ukrainian Grain in Berdyansk" read a recent news headline in Ukraine.[4] Berdyansk also played a featured role in stories about the Holodomor of 1933. One relayed how starving refugees arriving in Berdyansk in search of bread stood by in crowds at the port and silently watched Ukrainian grain loaded on ships for export. In 1933, there was not a single recorded birth in some districts of present day Zaporizhzhia region. As the snow melted in the spring, survivors in newly organized collective farms (called kolkhozs, or kolhosps, in Ukrainian) had to gather up corpses in the field鈥攋ust as the bodies of the dead are collected in occupied Mariupol today.[5]

A key aspect of the Holodomor was the Bolshevik policy of dekulakization, a campaign against successful farmers Stalin deemed anti-Soviet nationalists. Eliminating wealthy Ukrainian peasant owners (kulaks, or kurkuls in Ukrainian) through collectivization served both an economic and a political purpose. The Holodomor permanently changed the demographics of Ukraine鈥檚 south and east. The millions of Ukrainians killed by famine during the Holodomor (one million of them were kids under 10), followed by extensive migration of ethnic Russians to the region during post-war industrialization, resulted in the predominance of Russian speakers in the region. Putin may portray his special military operation as reclaiming lost lands for a reconstituted Russian empire. Ukrainians see only an effort to repeat past Russian campaigns of terror, atrocity, and genocide.

Russian violence against Ukraine in 2022鈥攁gainst its people and property鈥攈ave revived historical parallels with Moscow鈥檚 manufactured Holodomor of the last century. Is this parallel too strong or overreaching? Not at all. The actions of the Kremlin have the same intent: to expropriate and sweep up Ukrainian territories, while shattering the identity and culture of the inconvenient residents. There is even an analogue to Stalin鈥檚 past deportations to Siberia, with Russian filtration camps and the evacuation of hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians to the Russian territory. Many of them are children who have been placed in re-education schools to learn how their heritage is a fiction.

Acting on Orders: Russian Looting and Terror

For a couple of decades, Russian officials have tried to convince their citizens, and the world, that Ukraine is not a state. What is it, then? The war against Ukraine has demonstrated that Russia perceives Ukraine exclusively as a resource. A resource that Kyiv can either surrender willingly or have taken by force. This mindset has filtered down to individual Russian soldiers, who look at Ukraine as a territory designated for their plunder. From the first days of the invasion, the "resource approach" was implemented on an individual level. Soldiers looted en masse and sent tons of stolen Ukrainian goods from the border areas to Russia, particularly through the Belarus postal service.[6]

The invaders held lives in no greater regard than property. The calculus of killing in the first occupied territories proved a mixture of fevered ideology and mercenary motives. Any Ukrainian citizen could be killed for being an educator, journalist, or official, since any such background identified a person as a representative of the Ukrainian state and therefore subject to immediate 鈥渄enazification.鈥�[7] Or perhaps someone鈥檚 house looked prosperous鈥攏ot unlike that of a kulak from the previous century. In such cases, the house was fired upon, the owners killed, and their money and jewelry looted. At the national level, Russia is doing the same thing. It is seizing control of the most important economic assets 鈥嬧�媔n Ukraine and disposing of any who try to defend them.

From the outset of the war, the seizure and destruction of food supplies emerged as a distinctive Russian tactic both to control territory and instill terror among local populations. The campaign in both the northern regions, including those adjacent to Kyiv, and in Mariupol proved Russia鈥檚 intent to use this tactic.[8] Corridors of supply were closed and volunteers in Bucha and Mariupol carrying food were taken hostage or killed.[9] To survive in their basements, people sometimes shared the last cookies in the house and the milliliters of water left in the heating system pipes. Not everyone survived this diet. Among those who died were well-known elderly artists and World War II survivors.[10]

Myroslava Antonovych, a professor at the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and head of the Center for Genocide and Human Rights Studies, explains that a key point in understanding the concept of genocide is the deliberateness of the aggressor鈥檚 actions: it is 鈥渁n intentional killing of a group of people.鈥�[11] Rafal Lemkin, who coined the term "genocide," made it clear that genocide is 鈥渢he extermination not only of individuals, but also of culture and nation." He began his 1953 article 鈥淪oviet Genocide in Ukraine鈥� with the assertion that 鈥渢he destruction of the Ukrainian nation鈥� is 鈥減erhaps the classic example of Soviet genocide, its longest and broadest experiment in Russification.鈥�[12] In 2015, the Russian Federation placed Lemkin鈥檚 article, with its reference to 鈥渢he crime of being Ukrainian,鈥� on its federal list of extremist materials.

Russian occupiers, in their tactics and their propaganda, leave no doubt that mass killings and deprivation of food and water for large groups of civilians were and are intentional. Today, this genocide unfolds in many occupied locations in the south and east. In occupied Mariupol, where only 100,000 to 130,000 out of the former population of half a million people remain, the death rate is substantially higher than the pre-invasion period. Thousands of people are held in Russian filtration camps.[13] Communities in the southern oblasts of Kherson, Mykolayiv, and Zaporizhzhia are suffering huge economic and human losses.[14] Wherever Russian soldiers arrive, they knock down the gates and start looting.[15] When they leave, they fire upon the village.[16] Photos on social networks document the striking contrast of 鈥渂efore and after鈥� images of Russian forces occupying villages across the front.

Many farmers are leaving the burned-out settlements. The people remaining behind know they can be killed without notice. Or tanks shell the houses of those who refuse to obey the occupiers鈥� orders to join Russian-run agricultural enterprises鈥攅ssentially, a modern version of the Soviet collectivization drive. Taking a page from Ukraine鈥檚 darkest history, occupying forces pressure locals to hand crops and machinery over to Russian administrators on command.[17] They are already targeting the next harvest: in Zaporizhzhia, local media report that Ukrainian farmers must enter into exclusive agreements with Russian grain traders.

The artificial food crises under occupation become the genocidal instrument used to oust local residents and make them change their citizenship. When inexpensive and high-quality Ukrainian food disappeared from shelves in the occupied Kherson, it was a prelude to the exchange of livelihoods for loyalty to a new power and preparation for future 鈥渞eferendums.鈥� The occupiers repeated the same trick with mobile communication and the internet in the city: access disappeared, only to reappear in exchange for the acceptance of Russian passports. 鈥淚t seems that they are going to turn our region into a zone,鈥� said journalist Iryna Staroselets, who was forced to leave the city due to threats against her pro-Ukrainian position. 鈥淲hat zone? Free from Ukrainians. Where there will be only Russian military bases and territories for harvesting grain. And a small number of people who will serve it.鈥�

Since grain is one of Ukraine鈥檚 most valuable assets, events on this front (and it turns out that the "food front" is no longer a metaphor) are unfolding on an increasingly large scale. Throughout the spring, occupiers seized grain from the Kherson region for transport to Crimea. Granaries throughout the occupied zone were demolished.[18] According to representatives of the Luhansk state administration, Russian forces built a new railway to the city of Starobilsk specifically to transport grain back to Russia. In total, a third of the grain reserves from the occupied territories were taken this spring, amounting to half a million tons worth $100 million. According to Ukrainian diplomatic sources, approximately 100,000 tons of wheat were smuggled to Syria by the beginning of June. In August, two hundred thousand tons of grain from the 2022 harvest were stolen and transported to Russia from Luhansk oblast.[19]

Russian troops are deliberately "denazifying" grain storehouses and livestock complexes throughout Ukraine. In June, Russian rockets destroyed Nika Terra, the second largest grain terminal in the country, located in Mykolayiv, an area outside direct reach of the Russian military. The village of Chornobayivka in the Kherson region, formerly the largest poultry farm in Europe, lost four million chickens through hunger and thirst because the feed trucks came under fire and the water supply was blocked. Thousands of farm cows in the occupied zones were shot by tanks, rifles, or artillery. Some farmers in the south, under constant fire, try to sell their herds for a pittance to neighbors from non-occupied zones able to care for them. After all, cows get sick if they cannot graze, and are completely lost if shot in the field. "How can we not expect the Holodomor after that?" indignant Ukrainians write in social media.

In addition to looting food, the occupiers steal agricultural machinery from Ukraine, equipment later found in Russian territory by satellite. In the Kherson region, for example, half of the local technical stock was stolen. What the Russians cannot steal, they destroy. Ukrainian Facebook pages feature photo galleries of blown-up tractors and drills. According to the Ukrainian Ministry of Emergencies, more than 30 million hectares of land, including farmland, in Ukraine need demining.[20] All summer, crops in fields continued to burn after shelling.[21] In several regions, Russian soldiers blew up warehouses containing fertilizers, including ammonium nitrate, causing great damage. Finally, just as it was back in 2014, there have been news reports of soldiers firing on vans carrying bread in the Luhansk region.

When Russian occupiers seized lands in 2014, the consequences were mainly local. Today, the much larger invasion threatens the world.

Russia Offers to Solve a Problem it Created

President Putin reportedly indicated in a conversation with Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi in late May that he was "ready to take part in overcoming the global food crisis" in exchange for lifting sanctions.[22] Putin benefits from the chaos of food crises that he creates and could potentially also benefit if he can extract concessions for ending them. The Kremlin demands the removal of sanctions and in return offers to unblock channels for grain exports. This is not even trade, but extortion. Common media euphemisms, such as "Russia will help solve the food crisis on the condition that鈥�" or "Putin offers help in resolving the crisis鈥�" are completely off key.

The global implications of blocking Ukraine鈥檚 food exports are already evident, as many countries around the world have already experienced difficulties ranging from significant price increases to riots. Given these global imperatives, huge efforts were made recently to at least partially unblock grain exports. However, the first steps in this direction, made under constant Russian rocket attacks, show that sea cargo safety and Russian trustworthiness in negotiations remain open questions.

After both Ukraine and Russia signed separate grain transport agreements in Istanbul with the United Nations and Turkey on July 22, Russia launched missile attacks near Odesa鈥檚 grain terminals the next day.[23] It was not the first time that Russia violated a treaty. This case fits the pattern of Russian shelling safe passage corridors for civilians fleeing Mariupol, and of killing dozens of Ukrainian POWs in the Olenivka camp. On July 31, the owner of Ukraine鈥檚 giant agricultural firm Nibulon, Olexiy Vadaturskyi, and his wife were killed in Mykolayiv in a massive rocket attack on the city, in which their home may have been targeted.[24] Vadaturskyi鈥檚 death was a convenient development in Russia鈥檚 violent competition for grain markets, and it serves as a grim message to other successful Ukrainian business owners.

The 鈥渇og of war鈥� serves as cover for Russian pillaging and destruction of Ukraine鈥檚 economy to serve its own. It also provides the Kremlin with opportunities to extort the world: in exchange for a license to slaughter Ukrainians at will, the Kremlin is offering the gift of salvation from the global famine of its own creation, both now and in the future.

Vladimir Putin, speaking at the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok on September 7, said that Moscow "will have to think about changing routes" for Ukraine鈥檚 grain export.[25] Vasily Nebenzya, the ambassador of the Russian Federation to the UN, hinted at the possibility of refusing to renew the grain agreement after November at a UN Security Council meeting on the same day. According to the agreement signed this summer, the grain corridor was set for July 22 to November 19, and renewable upon mutual agreement. Russian officials are now pressing for 鈥済rain deals in exchange for lifting the sanctions.鈥�

The problem of grain export from Ukraine is far from a momentary concern. Any recipe for solving this problem through accommodating Russian demands will only deepen the crisis for years to come. In fact, the future of world food security depends in large part on how the world reacts to the Kremlin鈥檚 crimes today.

How could Ukraine contribute to preventing world food crises? Andriy Klymenko, the chief editor of the BlackSeaNews site, points to the crucial condition: 鈥淭he war in the Black Sea must be stopped. Russian warships must be taken to their bases with constant international verification that they are there."[26] Even supervision or guarantees from the UN and Turkey are not enough to protect the existing grain trade deal. The assistance Ukraine needs to ensure safe passage must come in the form of long-range weapons, such as HIMARS (High Mobility Artillery Rocket System), ATACMS (Army TACtical Missile System), and similar advanced systems.

Only substantial support for Ukraine鈥檚 independence and sovereignty can ensure its role as reliable producer of agricultural products for the world. Otherwise, all the proposed strategies will remain fragile. This summer, arrangements were made to start grain export using railway routes through Poland and Romania. There have been talks even about building grain terminals in the west of Ukraine. But won鈥檛 Russia fire on newly built granaries and on the modes of transport on the western border? Of course it could, if no one stops it.

So-called political realists, ranging from armchair analysts to famous experts, confidently proclaim that Ukraine needs to hand over territory to Putin to save the world from the external consequences of war.[27] Perhaps they consider Ukraine an insignificant state. Yet in the 1990s, the very small state of Kuwait was defended by the United States-led coalition during the war with Iraq. Ukraine may not have oil, like Kuwait. But grain, as it turns out, is quite a valuable product. At the beginning of the Russian aggression, Ukraine asked for international help, believing that it naturally has the right to protection as a state, including the right to preserve the lives of its citizens. If the moral case is insufficient for some, then perhaps the very real prospect of famine in nations dependent on Ukraine鈥檚 food exports might be convincing.

Regardless of the realists around the world who propose off-ramp after off-ramp for Russia to end the conflict on favorable terms, Ukrainians know the real stakes. Moscow is repeating the most horrible atrocities from its history towards Ukraine. The Ukrainian people strongly believe, however, that those atrocities will not rise to the level of another Holodomor. Not because they think Russia lacks the will and desire to inflict such a genocidal campaign, but because they have faith that their army and support from allies abroad will prevent it.

[1] 小泻褨谢褜泻懈 蟹械褉薪芯胁懈褏 械泻褋锌芯褉褌褍褦 校泻褉邪褩薪邪 (Infographic鈥擥rain Export from Ukraine).

[2] 袪芯蟹斜谢芯泻褍胁邪薪薪褟 褍泻褉邪褩薪褋褜泻懈褏 屑芯褉褋褜泻懈褏 锌芯褉褌褨胁 薪械芯斜褏褨写薪械 写谢褟 蟹斜械褉械卸械薪薪褟 谐谢芯斜邪谢褜薪芯褩 锌褉芯写芯胁芯谢褜褔芯褩 斜械蟹锌械泻懈, 袣芯屑褨褌械褌 袙械褉褏芯胁薪芯褩 袪邪写懈 校泻褉邪褩薪懈 蟹 锌懈褌邪薪褜 邪谐褉邪褉薪芯褩 褌邪 蟹械屑械谢褜薪芯褩 锌芯谢褨褌懈泻懈 (鈥�Unlocking Ukrainian Seaports Is Necessary to Maintain Global Food Security,鈥� Committee of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on Agrarian and Land Policy).

[3] 袚邪蟹, 薪邪褎褌邪, 蟹械褉薪芯? 袉褋褌芯褉懈泻懈薪褟 锌褉芯 褌械, 褔芯屑褍 褉芯褋褨褟薪懈 胁懈胁芯蟹褟褌褜 蟹 校泻褉邪褩薪懈 蟹斜褨卸卸褟 褌邪 褟泻 袪芯褋褨褟 屑芯卸械 褕邪薪褌邪卸褍胁邪褌懈 褋胁褨褌 褏谢褨斜芯屑, 袧芯胁懈薪懈, 校泻褉邪褩薪褋褜泻械 褉邪写褨芯, nrcu.gov.ua (鈥�Gas, Oil, Grain? Historian on Why Russians Steal Grain from Ukraine and How Russia Can Extort the World Using Bread鈥�).

[4] 袨泻褍锌邪薪褌懈 胁懈泻褉邪谢懈 蟹 锌芯褉褌褍 袘械褉写褟薪褋褜泻邪 5 泻芯褉邪斜谢褨胁 褨蟹 蟹械褉薪芯屑, 谐谢邪胁邪 袨袙袗, 袧芯胁芯褋褌懈 Kontrakty.ua (鈥�Occupiers Stole Five Ships with Grain from the Port of Berdyansk,鈥� head of regional military administration).

[5] 袙 袦邪褉懈褍锌芯谢械 芦蟹邪褉邪斜芯褌邪谢禄 笑械薪褌褉 蟹邪薪褟褌芯褋褌懈. 袨泻泻褍锌邪薪褌褘 锌褉械写谢邪谐邪褞褌 褋芯斜懈褉邪褌褜 褌械谢邪 锌芯谐懈斜褕懈褏 薪邪 褍谢懈褑邪褏, DonPress.com (鈥�Employment Center Started Its 鈥�Work禄 in Mariupol. Occupiers Offer to Collect the Bodies of the Dead on the Streets鈥�).

袪芯褋褨褟薪懈 蟹胁芯蟹褟褌褜 褌褉褍锌懈, 褟泻褨 胁懈屑懈谢芯 蟹 屑芯谐懈谢, 褍 褋褍锌械褉屑邪褉泻械褌 袦邪褉褨褍锌芯谢褟, 褉邪写薪懈泻 屑械褉邪, pravda.com.ua (鈥淩ussians Are Taking the Corpses Washed from the Graves to the Mariupol Supermarket," mayor鈥檚 adviser).

[6] (鈥淩ussians Removed Least 58 Tons of Looted Goods from Ukraine,鈥� mass media).

[7]袙 袉褉锌械薪褨 芯泻褍锌邪薪褌懈 胁斜懈谢懈 蟹邪胁褨写褍胁邪褔泻褍 写懈褌褋邪写泻邪 蟹 褔芯谢芯胁褨泻芯屑, kyiv.media (鈥淚n Irpin, the Occupiers Killed the Child Care Director and Her Husband鈥�);

袩褨褋谢褟 锌芯谢芯薪褍 褨 泻邪褌褍胁邪薪褜 芯泻褍锌邪薪褌褨胁 锌芯屑械褉 卸褍褉薪邪谢褨褋褌 袆胁谐械薪 袘邪谢褜, detector.media (鈥淎fter Capture and Torture by Occupiers, Yevhen Bal, a Journalist, Died鈥�).

袨泻褍锌邪薪褌懈 胁斜懈谢懈 褋褌邪褉芯褋褌褍 褋械谢邪 袦芯褌懈卸懈薪 袨谢褜谐褍 小褍褏械薪泻芯 褌邪 褩褩 褉芯写懈薪褍, fakty.com.ua (鈥淥ccupiers Killed the Head of the Village of Motyzhyn Olga Sukhenko and Her Family鈥�).

[9] 袙懈泻邪褔褍胁邪谢懈 泻褉芯胁, 屑芯褉懈谢懈 谐芯谢芯写芯屑 褨 锌芯褋褌褨泄薪芯 斜懈谢懈: 褍泻褉邪褩薪械褑褜 褉芯蟹泻邪蟹邪胁 锌褉芯 褌芯褉褌褍褉懈 芯泻褍锌邪薪褌褨胁, YouTube (鈥淭hey Drained Blood, Starved Us and Constantly Beat Us: Ukrainian Tell about Torture by the Occupiers鈥�).

袦邪褉褨褍锌芯谢褜 斜谢邪谐邪褦 锌褉芯 写芯锌芯屑芯谐褍: 袥褞写懈 锌芯屑懈褉邪褞褌褜 胁褨写 谐芯谢芯写褍, pravda.com.ua (鈥淢ariupol Begs for Help: People Are Dying of Hunger鈥�).

[9] 校 屑褨褋褌褨 袘褍褔邪 蟹邪谐邪褉斜薪懈泻懈 胁斜懈谢懈 胁芯谢芯薪褌械褉褨胁, aspi.com.ua (鈥淚n the City of Bucha, Invaders Killed Volunteers鈥�).

袨泻褍锌邪薪褌懈 胁懈泻褉邪谢懈 褕褨褋褌褜芯褏 褋锌褨胁褉芯斜褨褌薪懈泻褨胁 褨 胁芯谢芯薪褌械褉褨胁 褨蟹 屑褨褋褜泻褉邪写懈 袘褍褔褨, novynarnia.com (鈥淥ccupiers Kidnapped Six Employees and Volunteers from Bucha City Council鈥�).

校 袦邪褉褨褍锌芯谢褨 蟹邪谐懈薪褍谢懈 锌鈥櫻徰傂笛�芯 胁芯谢芯薪褌械褉褨胁, 褟泻褨 写芯锌芯屑邪谐邪谢懈 屑懈褉薪芯屑褍 薪邪褋械谢械薪薪褞, meta.ua (鈥淔ive Volunteers Killed in Mariupol Helping the Civilian Population鈥�).

[10] 91-谢械褌薪褟褟 卸械薪褖懈薪邪, 泻芯褌芯褉邪褟 锌械褉械卸懈谢邪 啸芯谢芯泻芯褋褌, 褍屑械褉谢邪 胁 锌芯写胁邪谢械 袦邪褉懈褍锌芯谢褟, freeradio.com.ua (鈥�91-Year-Old Woman Who Survived the Holocaust Died in the Basement of Mariupol鈥�).

[11] 袟谢芯褔懈薪 蟹谢芯褔懈薪褨胁: 褖芯 褌邪泻械 谐械薪芯褑懈写 褌邪 褟泻 胁褨薪 泻邪褉邪褦褌褜褋褟, Vogue UA (鈥淐rime of Crimes: What Is Genocide and How Is it Punished鈥�). (from )

[12] Raphael Lemkin, Soviet Genocide in Ukraine. Lemkin Holodomor ENG, gariwo.net.

[13] 校 袦邪褉褨褍锌芯谢褨 褉褨胁械薪褜 褋屑械褉褌薪芯褋褌褨 蟹褉褨褋 褍 泻褨谢褜泻邪 褉邪蟹褨胁, Bing video (鈥淚n Mariupol, the Death Rate Has Increased Several Times鈥�).  (from Bing video).

袪芯褋褋懈褟薪械 褍写械褉卸懈胁邪褞褌 胁 "褎懈谢褜褌褉邪褑懈芯薪薪褘褏 褑械薪褌褉邪褏" 袦邪褉懈褍锌芯谢褟 斜芯谢械械 10 褌褘褋褟褔 褔械谢芯胁械泻, 屑褝褉, kanaldom.tv (鈥淭he Russians Are Holding More than 10,000 People in the 鈥楩iltration Centers鈥� of Mariupol,鈥� mayor).

[14] 袟邪谐邪褉斜薪懈泻懈 蟹屑褍褕褍褞褌褜 褌褨泻邪褌懈 褑褨谢褨 褋械谢邪 薪邪 袦懈泻芯谢邪褩胁褖懈薪褨, bing.com (鈥淚nvaders Force Whole Villages in Mykolayiv Region to Flee鈥�). (from Bing video).

[15] 袧邪 啸械褉褋芯薪褖懈薪褨 芯泻褍锌邪薪褌懈 蟹邪 写胁邪 褌懈卸薪褨 褉芯蟹屑邪褉芯写械褉懈谢懈 褌褉懈 褋械谢邪: 褋胁褨写褔械薪薪褟 屑褨褋褑械胁懈褏. 袨泻褍锌邪褑褨褟 啸械褉褋芯薪褖懈薪懈: 褋胁褨写芯褑褌胁邪 胁芯褦薪薪懈褏 蟹谢芯褔懈薪褨胁 袪肖, zaborona.com (鈥淚n Kherson Region, the Occupiers Ransacked Three Villages in Two Weeks: Testimonies of Locals,鈥� occupation of Kherson region: evidence of war crimes of the RF).

[16] 袟胁褨谢褜薪械薪褨 褋械谢邪 薪邪 啸械褉褋芯薪褖懈薪褨 芯斜褋褌褉褨谢褞褞褌褜 蟹 邪褉褌懈谢械褉褨褩 (鈥淟iberated Villages in the Kherson Region Are Shelled with Artillery鈥�).

[17] 袪邪褕懈褋褌懈 褉芯蟹褋褌褉褨谢褟谢懈 斜褍写懈薪芯泻 褎械褉屑械褉邪 蟹褨 小胁邪褌芯胁芯谐芯, 褟泻懈泄 胁褨写屑芯胁懈胁褋褟 胁褨写写邪褌懈 褌械褏薪褨泻褍 写芯 "泻芯谢谐芯褋锌褍," uagolos.com (鈥淭he Rashists Shot Up the House of a Farmer from Svatovo Who Refused to Give Equipment to the 鈥楥ollective Farm鈥�").

(鈥淛ust as During the Holodomor: Zaporizhia Farmers Are Forced by the Occupiers to Give Grain for Nothing鈥�).

袧邪蟹邪写 胁 小小小袪: 芯泻泻褍锌邪薪褌褘 薪邪 啸邪褉褜泻芯胁褖懈薪械 芦褉邪褋泻褍谢邪褔懈胁邪褞褌禄 褎械褉屑械褉芯胁 懈 懈褖褍褌 锌邪屑褟褌薪懈泻懈 袥械薪懈薪褍, objectiv.tv (鈥�Back to the USSR: Occupiers in the Kharkiv Region Carry Out 鈥楧ekulakization鈥� of the Farmers and Are Looking for Monuments to Lenin鈥�).

[18] 袧邪 袥褍谐邪薪褖懈薪褨 褍 褉芯蟹斜芯屑斜谢械薪芯屑褍 械谢械胁邪褌芯褉褨 蟹谐芯褉褨谢懈 锌芯薪邪写 25 褌懈褋褟褔 褌芯薪薪 锌褕械薪懈褑褨 泄 褋芯薪褟褕薪懈泻邪, ukrinform.ua (鈥淚n the Luhansk Region, More than 25,000 Tons of Wheat and Sunflowers Burned in a Bombed Elevator鈥�).

[19] (The occupiers stole all 200,000 tons of grain from the Luhansk region to Russia - the head of the Oblast Military Administration).

[20] 袩芯薪邪写 30 屑褨谢褜泄芯薪褨胁 谐械泻褌邪褉褨胁 褌械褉懈褌芯褉褨褩 校泻褉邪褩薪懈 锌芯褌褉械斜褍褞褌褜 褉芯蟹屑褨薪褍胁邪薪薪褟, 袦袙小, novynarnia.com. (鈥淢ore than 30 Million Hectares of the Territory of Ukraine Need Demining,鈥� Ministry of Internal Affairs).

[21] 袧邪 啸邪褉泻褨胁褖懈薪褨 褔械褉械蟹 芯斜褋褌褉褨谢懈 蟹谐芯褉褨谢芯 240 谐邪 蟹械褉薪芯胁懈褏, AgroTrend (鈥淚n Kharkiv Oblast, 240 Hectares of Grain Crops Burned Due to Shelling鈥�).

[22] 袩褍褌褨薪 蟹邪褟胁懈胁, 褖芯 袪芯褋褨褟 谐芯褌芯胁邪 械泻褋锌芯褉褌褍胁邪褌懈 蟹械褉薪芯, 褟泻褖芯 袟邪褏褨写 蟹薪褨屑械 褋邪薪泻褑褨褩, radiosvoboda.org (鈥淧utin Said that Russia is Ready to Export Grain if the West Lifts Sanctions鈥�).

[23] 袪芯褋褨褟薪懈 胁写邪褉懈谢懈 锌芯 褌褨泄 褔邪褋褌懈薪褍 锌芯褉褌褍 袨写械褋懈, 写械 蟹斜械褉褨谐邪谢芯褋褟 蟹械褉薪芯 写谢褟 械泻褋锌芯褉褌褍, novynarnia.com (鈥淩ussians Hit the Part of Odesa Port Where Grain Was Stored for Export鈥�).

[24] 鈥淣IBULON owner Oleksiy Vadaturskyi dies in heavy shelling of Mykolaiv by Russians,鈥� (from ).

[25] 袩褍褌褨薪 屑邪褦 薪邪屑褨褉 锌械褉械谐谢褟薪褍褌懈 褍屑芯胁懈 蟹械褉薪芯胁芯褩 褍谐芯写懈 - Korrespondent.net (鈥淧utin intends to revise the terms of the grain agreement鈥�).

[26] 袙褨泄薪邪 蟹邪 褔芯褉薪芯蟹械屑懈 褌邪 蟹械褉薪芯: 褋褑械薪邪褉褨褩 褉芯蟹斜谢芯泻褍胁邪薪薪褟 褍泻褉邪褩薪褋褜泻懈褏 锌芯褉褌褨胁, AgroReview (鈥淭he War for Black Earth and Grain: Scenarios for Unblocking Ukrainian Ports鈥�).

[27] 袉薪褌械褉胁鈥櫻� 袚械写谢褨 袚械屑斜谢 褨蟹 袛屑懈褌褉芯屑 袣褍谢械斜芯褞: 蟹胁懈薪褍胁邪褔械薪薪褟 卸械褉褌胁懈, detector.media (鈥淗adley Gamble's Interview with Dmytro Kuleba: Blaming the Victim鈥�).